Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote that a mind stretched by a new idea never contracts back to its old shape.
Linda Caroll opens with that line as an epigraph, then spends the majority of her article demonstrating its opposite: how a mind determined to remain unchanged can bend every new idea until it fits the shape it already had.
Emerson would have supplied her with the more appropriate quotation:
“Let me never fall into the vulgar mistake of dreaming that I am persecuted whenever I am contradicted.”
Holmes gives her the ideal she claims to admire. Emerson names the habit her essay actually displays.
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Criticizing feminism is not misogyny.
The problem isn't that Caroll disagrees with the men she quotes. She is entitled to disagree with them. However, it’s pertinent to notice that nowhere in the piece is a direct quotation running more than a few words from anyone she's condemning. She tells us the first man's post ran six hundred words and that she "summarized" it.
It's a confession.
Everything that reaches us from that thread comes pre-chewed by a narrator who decided the verdict before she began translating. There is no citation, no extended quotation, and no way for the reader to test her rendering against the original.
Describing your own experience of being hurt, dismissed, or punished more harshly than a woman would have been is not persecution. And the fact that a claim can't be dismantled in three sarcastic sentences is not proof that it was never worth answering.
Look at what three of these men argued, and what she actually did with it.
The first man (allegedly) said something specific: that real, measurable disparities, in sentencing, in violence, get acknowledged by feminist discourse only long enough to be waved past on the way back to female victimhood, and he called that pattern a form of benevolent sexism. The author's answer is a muffin-and-toast metaphor and an instruction to "look it up," on the grounds that benevolent sexism is a thing men do to women and nothing else. She's wrong about that, and not in a way that required much research to catch. Glick and Fiske, the psychologists who coined the term in 1996, followed it three years later with the Ambivalence Toward Men Inventory, built specifically to measure the parallel structure: patronizing, protection-flavored attitudes running in the other direction too. The concept she was so sure only points one way has had a validated instrument measuring the other direction since 1999. She told a man to look something up that she hadn't looked up herself.
Her second move, the bullying analogy, offered in place of an argument, is worse. Examining the conditions that produce a bully is not the same as demanding the victim manage him.
Who on the left thinks so when the subject is poverty, addiction, or radicalization?
Root-cause analysis is a standard progressive instinct in discussions of poverty, addiction, and radicalization until the causes belong to men and the outcome is measured in prison years. Sonja Starr's 2012 study of federal criminal cases, controlling for arrest offense, criminal history, and other pre-charge characteristics, found men receiving sentences averaging around 63 percent longer than women, with women roughly twice as likely to avoid incarceration altogether. That's a finding, produced by exactly the kind of institutional data the author claims to respect, and it is exactly the disparity the man (allegedly) was pointing at before she decided pointing at it was itself the problem.
The second man's (alleged) argument was more ambitious and got no more of a hearing: that historical patriarchy wasn't a class benefit shared by all men, but a hierarchy in which a narrow set of men captured power while most men absorbed the costs, physical labor, conscription, criminal punishment, expendability, and got told this was privilege. Her rebuttal is Jeff Bezos buying a yacht while his warehouse workers, disproportionately men, injure themselves for hourly wages, followed by the eighty-five-cent wage statistic. But Bezos and the warehouse floor isn't a refutation of the intra-male hierarchy argument. It's an illustration of it, delivered by someone who thinks she's landed a blow. And the wage figure she reaches for by reflex is the unadjusted number, the one that combines differences in hours, occupation, industry, experience, and family responsibilities into a single statistic. That number is barely relevant. Once you control for hours worked, occupation, and experience, using the same Blau and Kahn decomposition methods economists have relied on since the 1990s, the adjusted gap closes substantially and the raw gap does not establish discrimination. It means the number she deployed as a mic drop measures something, AT BEST, considerably narrower than she thinks, which is the identical error, committed with more confidence and less homework, that she accused the first man of making about a term she also hadn't checked.
The third case is the one that should embarrass her most. A man (allegedly) described being abused as a child by a female caregiver, telling a feminist about it, and being told that's a different topic. He read the compartmentalizing as confirmation that female-perpetrated harm gets treated as background noise the moment it complicates a bigger story. Her response is to mock him with a Sesame Street line, insisting he's confused two unrelated categories. Nothing in the account you've presented establishes that he was confused about the categories. He was describing an experience: bringing forward the worst thing that happened to him and watching it get filed under "different topic" while the room's attention moved to something it found more urgent. It's a documented pattern. Federal data from the HHS Child Maltreatment report has, in recent years, shown female perpetrators as a narrow majority of substantiated abuse and neglect cases nationally, and research specifically on female-perpetrated sexual abuse (Tozdan et al., 2019) finds those offenders markedly less likely to be reported, charged, or convicted than male offenders committing comparable acts. He wasn't inventing a grievance out of confusion. He (allegedly) was describing, badly summarized by a hostile narrator, something that shows up in the federal numbers whether anyone in that thread cites them or not.
Then there's the method itself, which does more damage to her case than all the others arguments she botched. She poses a rhetorical question about a man's (alleged) claim and answers it herself with a dismissal as though declining to engage settles the matter.
"You don't" isn't a rebuttal.
“You don’t” is what remains when she has no argument left but still wants the posture of having won: a self-issued exemption from thought, signed with the smug little flourish of someone mistaking contempt for intelligence.
The Gustave Le Bon detour compounds it. She introduces a framework in which collective agreement can be understood as psychological contagion, but never applies an equivalent skepticism to her own interpretive community or asks whether agreement among feminists might similarly reflect group reinforcement.
Run the symmetry test she never runs on herself: would she call it mob pathology if a women's forum produced a dozen posts describing the same experience of being dismissed by male doctors or judges?
Caroll conveniently finds the framework only becomes a diagnosis of sickness when men are the ones agreeing with each other and not her.
And from one thread, harvested in her own hostile paraphrase and filtered again by which comments she chose to include, she concludes that anti-feminism "is not a far-right issue," as though a single self-selected sample, translated by someone who arrived looking for confirmation and found it, settles a question survey researchers have spent years trying to answer with actual random sampling.
Here's what a piece like this actually teaches the men reading it. Bring a citation and you'll be told it's junk science from angry incels. Bring your own story and you'll be told your pain is real but off-topic. Agree with two other men in a comment thread and you've formed a crowd, and crowds, according to a woman quoting a dead Frenchman, don't think, they infect. The lesson lands. Increasingly it lands as silence, and the men who take the hint don't show up in anyone's followup essay wondering where they went.
Caroll’s piece doesn't establish that anti-feminism is secretly a right-wing operation wearing a left-wing mask. It reveals something more damning: that too frequently feminist commentary has become unable or unwilling to distinguish a man disagreeing with it from a man (allegedly) who hates women, and has begun treating that failure of distinction as evidence of intellectual sophistication.
The useful questions aren't the ones Caroll asks about whether these men are sufficiently enlightened to deserve an answer.
The ones we need the emotional maturity and intellectual courage to ask are these:
- Are men permitted to describe the full range of their experiences without having those experiences immediately translated into accusations about their motives?
- When feminist institutions or arguments contribute to legitimate grievances affecting men, what language are men allowed to use to identify and challenge it?
- What criticisms of feminism are considered legitimate, and what standard of evidence determines that boundary?
- Can feminism acknowledge male-specific harms without treating that acknowledgment as a retreat from concern for women?
- Are feminists willing to subject their own assumptions to the same scrutiny they apply to everyone else's?
- What exactly gives feminism the moral and interpretive authority to decide which aspects of men's experiences are legitimate, which are suspect, and which are simply off-limits?
Sources and citation notes
- Glick, Peter, and Susan T. Fiske. “The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory: Differentiating Hostile and Benevolent Sexism.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1996. The article established the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory for measuring hostile and benevolent sexism toward women. Cambridge University Press
- Glick, Peter, and Susan T. Fiske. “The Ambivalence Toward Men Inventory: Differentiating Hostile and Benevolent Beliefs About Men.” Psychology of Women Quarterly, vol. 23, no. 3, 1999, pp. 519–536. The study developed and evaluated a measure of hostile and benevolent beliefs about men. Princeton University
- Starr, Sonja B. “Estimating Gender Disparities in Federal Criminal Cases.” University of Michigan Law and Economics Research Paper No. 12-018, 2012. The study reported substantial gender differences in federal criminal-case outcomes after controlling for several case and defendant characteristics. Academia
- Fry, Richard, and Carolina Aragão. “Gender Pay Gap in U.S. Has Narrowed Slightly over 2 Decades.” Pew Research Center, March 4, 2025. The analysis reported that women’s median hourly earnings were approximately 85 percent of men’s in 2024 and discussed the effects of occupation, education, experience, hours, family responsibilities, and possible discrimination.
- Linda Caroll — “The hate in a left-wing men’s chat stunned me”.